Ray Pearson
The national security plan from the Trump administration is expected to be unveiled soon. Many people, both within and outside the government, will see this paper as a meaningless bureaucratic exercise that has little to do with the deluge of problems biden national security strategy and his top staff are confronting.
It’s possible that administration personnel who perceive Biden’s presidency as a restoration of correct order after four turbulent years under previous president Donald Trump are more likely to err on the side of caution and stay with the tried-and-true formulas of the past.
Table of Contents
the scene for the biden national security strategy
The administration may be tempted to utilize the plan for domestic political gain by rehashing the same old list of foreign problems and the same old list of solutions proposed by the United States government.
In any case, the national security plan is where the president’s words have the most weight. A wasted opportunity would be a too-practical or unrealistic approach that ignores the current limits the United States has.
To better lead policy makers through the next turbulent seas and to set the scene for the biden national security strategy and other top-line strategy papers, a short and realistic statement focusing on basics would be preferable.
Biden’s plan can be forthright about how basic U.S. interests are shifting and what ramifications these shifts will have for U.S. foreign and security policy without coming out as alarmist or defeatist.
C. S. Chivvis, Christopher
The Carnegie Endowment’s American Statecraft Program is led by Christopher S. Chivvis.
In particular, the strategy should convey the need of investing in domestic rejuvenation and the link between domestic success and international prestige for the United States.
There is nothing to be gained by ignoring the nation’s challenges or acting as if the process of rebuilding and restoring U.S. dominance can be accomplished in one or two presidential administrations.
Similarly, the Biden administration should not give in to the temptation of framing U.S. biden national security strategy as a Manichean war between democracy and authoritarianism, or as an endless battle of wills with a growingly powerful China.
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RELYING ON HOME GROWN RESOURCES
The Goldwater-Nichols Act of 1986 required the development of the first U.S. biden national security strategy. There has subsequently been a central theme associated with each administration’s agenda. Both George H. W.
Bush and Bill Clinton advocated policies meant to guarantee U.S. global supremacy, extend democracy, and insure global security, all of which point to an outsized role for the United States as a whole in their respective administrations’ plans.
The biden national security strategy adopted a more militaristic stance under George W. Bush’s administration, categorizing countries as free and unfree, highlighting the importance of the fight on terror, and, most controversially, endorsing the use of preemptive military action.
With the failures of the Iraq and Afghanistan interventions becoming more apparent in the wake of the Great Recession, President Obama’s strategy attempted to lay out a less ambitious set of goals for the United States while still promising to underwrite global security.
Recent Trump administration policy has shifted emphasis away from U.S. alliances and toward a more narrow conception of American sovereignty, with a particular emphasis on border protection.
If there is one takeaway from the biden national security strategy plan, it is that revitalizing the United States at home is essential to achieving international success.
Given that the U.S. economy is the primary source of the nation’s global influence and that internal divisiveness weakens the coherence of U.S. biden national security strategy, renewal is vital for a number of reasons related to national security.
Both allies and foes of the United States share a widespread pessimism that the nation will soon recover from its present political crisis, which has a chilling impact on the U.S.’s influence and prestige across the world right now.
If the United States is to be resilient in the face of future security threats, it must invest in a wide range of sectors, including education, technology, infrastructure, and others.
How does the Biden administration portray it?
The connection between home regeneration and its immediate aims for economic policy abroad will be a major problem in any discussion of domestic renewal.
The government is well aware of the role that outside factors, such as economic uncertainty, play in fostering internal divisiveness. Reflecting this worry, it places heavy stress on reorienting U.S. biden national security strategy toward the concerns of the American middle class.
The Biden team is concerned that the U.S. foreign policy elite, particularly in regards to trade policy and the country’s overreliance on military force, has lost sight of the reality that their policy proposals eventually need to give demonstrable advantages to the American middle class.
It will be crucial, therefore, not to react by leaning toward protectionism, even while worries about the political, economic, and social effect of globalization on U.S. domestic politics are correct in many aspects.
During the 2020 presidential campaign, Biden was justified in calling out Trump for his protectionist rhetoric. Recent studies imply that the link between economic globalization and domestic political unrest may be less than previously thought.
To be more specific, there is a true but weaker link between China’s growth and employment losses in the United States.
Conclusion
The strategy is often articulated in grandiose terms with the purpose of articulating a vision for the role that the United States should occupy in the world and the sort of international system that the country would want to see built — namely, one that supports global security, biden national security strategy, human rights, and economic prosperity.